In February 1919, even as the leaders of the International Women’s Suffrage Movement were struggling to present their resolutions (which included the demand for voting rights and protection from trafficking and sale of women and children) to the League of Nations Commission, the first Thanjavur and Tiruchirappalli Non-Brahmin Conference had passed a historic resolution seeking scholarships for women students, demanding a high school for women in Thanjavur, and seeking the establishment of a vocational training school for women in a central area of the town.
The demands of the Non-Brahmin Association are mentioned in government order G.O. No 82 (Home) Education dated January 21, 1919. At the same time, campaigns were afoot to abolish the devadasi system, which was widely condemned for legally binding women and children into hereditary roles in the name of religious custom.
In the early years of the 20th century, it was not easy for women’s voices to be heard or acknowledged by the state, whether in South Asia or in the West. The only difference was that women in the West had already organised themselves into an association that was crossing borders and influencing others. In India, there were only a few women leaders raising their voices for education and voting rights for women, but they were not a united association. And they did not have on their agenda any proposal to oppose religion and caste, which were the primary tools of oppression, both in general and in particular when used against women.
This gap was filled by the Non-Brahmin Movement, which began to function simultaneously under different names such as the Dravida Sangam and the South Indian Liberation Federation (Justice Party). The Justice Party came to power in 1920 and began to implement the many demands to recognise the fundamental rights of women. Madras Presidency, in fact, was the first State in India to grant voting rights to women.
Also Read | Seeing beyond Sadir
While the Justice Party focussed on civil rights and equal opportunity for all communities, Periyar E.V. Ramasamy, then a leader of the Congress party, was raising social issues addressing the communal ratio and demanding gender equality in all spheres of life. Periyar faced a struggle within the Congress, as he attempted to advance the cause of social development and to have it play a role in administration. Ultimately, he decided to leave the Congress party, thus paving the way for a sea change in south India, particularly within Tamil-speaking regions.
In 1925, Periyar started the Self-Respect Movement and launched the weekly magazine Kudi Arasu to propagate his ideology. The first State conference of the Self-Respect Movement was held in February 1929.
Kudi Arasu, the weekly launched by Periyar in 1925. | Photo Credit: By special arrangement
Both the Self-Respect Movement and Kudi Arasu provided a platform for women who were seeking a space to express their feelings about their subjugated lives. Unlike the Western countries where women’s movements alone spoke up for their rights, the Self- Respect Movement was a common forum headed by Periyar that advocated for women’s rights and fought against the caste system.
Alamelu Mangai Thayarammal, a legendary political activist, who was among the founders of the Justice Party and who later, in 1931, became a member of the Madras Legislative Council was a staunch supporter of the Self-Respect Movement. Moovalur Ramamirtham, a crusader against the devadasi system, and Meenambal Sivaraj, an Ambedkarite leader, also became supporters of the Dravidian movement.
Well-educated women like Kunchitham, Gnanam, Sivakami, Annapoorani from the Kolar Gold Fields, and Indrani Balasubramaniam contributed to Kudi Arasu and Revolt, the latter being the Self-Respect Movement’s first English weekly, launched in 1928. The movement established its uniqueness in Indian society by introducing the concept of self-respect marriage, a crucial step towards women’s emancipation and broader social reform.
Alamelu Mangai Thayarammal | Photo Credit: Wikimedia Commons
Kunchitham, who belonged to the Isai Velalar community, married Gurusamy, a member of a dominant caste. Sivakami, a widow, married Chidambaranar, who hailed from a family of landlords of Thanjavur district. Rengammal, a widow from Thiruvannamalai, married Chidambaram from the Chettiar community. Manjulabai, a widow, married Vai. Su. Shanmugam Chettiar, who was a patron of both Bharathiyar and Bharathidasan. Maragathavalli married Murugappa, and together they brought out a magazine named Vidhavai Marumanam (literally, “widow remarriage”). Annapoorani, daughter of Appadurai of Kolar Gold Fields, married Rathina Sabapathy of Erode following Buddhist customs.
Janaki from Penang, a regular contributor to Kudi Arasu, married Appavu Pandithar, going against the restrictions imposed by her father. The marriage of Neelavathi and Ramasubramaniam was considered a major blow to the caste pride of both communities.
Ambedkarite leader Meenambal Sivaraj | Photo Credit: Wikimedia Commons
Nagammai, Periyar’s wife, was a key leader who supported all the above women. Many widows, who were forced into the ignominy of widowhood, escaped their homes and sought asylum in Nagammaiyar’s home. She organised their remarriage with the help of Moovalur Ramamirtham.
Maniyammai was another formidable leader who entered both the Dravidar Kazhagam and Periyar’s life and went on to lead the party against all challenges, including the Emergency imposed by Indira Gandhi in 1975.
The list of women who made immense contributions to the successes of the present generation is much longer than this, but we rarely remember them.
The continuing legacy
The social changes heralded by the Dravidian movement were embodied in the lives of these women leaders. Their legacy was continued by women leaders of the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) such as “Annai” Sathiyavani Muthu; Rani Annadurai, the wife of C.N. Annadurai; Bhuvaneswari N.V.N., who was arrested in the anti-Hindi agitation and imprisoned along with her 6-month-old son; Vetriselvi Anbazhagan, wife of DMK leader K. Anbazhagan; Alamelu Appadurai; Arunmozhi; Poongathai; S.P. Sarguna Pandian; and Noorjahan Begum, among many others.
Moovalur Ramamirtham | Photo Credit: Wikimedia Commons
The impact of the Dravidian movement’s efforts for the emancipation of women in Tamil society was reflected across political parties and had a tremendous impact on the lives of Brahmin women as well.
Under Chief Minister Kalaignar M. Karunanidhi, the DMK introduced laws that enabled women to join the police service and provided 30 per cent reservation for women in all government departments, including in the subordinate judiciary, as a result of which we now see 13 women judges in the Madras High Court. In 1989, the DMK government passed the Hindu Succession (Tamil Nadu Amendment) Act, 1989, which granted women equal rights to ancestral property.
The appointment of the transwoman Padmashri Kalaimamani Narthaki Natraj as a member of the Planning Commission of Tamil Nadu is another progressive step taken by the current Chief Minister, M.K Stalin.
Also Read | Religion, gender and equality
While all the women mentioned stand as examples of the ideological success of the movement, the struggle to break away from the weight of tradition and familial pressure continues to keep women from marching forward. Women continue to fight for their place in the power structure, with men occupying centre stage across social spheres, including politics.
As Periyar rightly said, men will not voluntarily unchain women. Women’s empowerment can be achieved only by sustained and continuous effort.
A. Arulmozhi is an advocate and the Propaganda Secretary, Dravidar Kazhagam.
COMMents
SHARE