The death of Quentin Deranque is proving to be a turning point for the French far right, a movement riddled with deep divisions. Deranque, a 23-year-old far-right activist, was attacked in Lyon on Thursday, February 12, by individuals suspected of belonging to the antifascist group Jeune Garde, which is close to the radical left La France Insoumise (LFI) party. The various factions of the far right plan to gather on Saturday, February 21, for a march in memory of the young member of the revolutionary nationalist movement. Despite the gathering, the radical far right is undergoing a major upheaval.
On February 20, Interior Minister Laurent Nuñez stated on the RTL radio station that he would not seek to ban the march. However, many fear violence could break out. Grégory Doucet, Lyon’s Green mayor, called for the march to be banned, as did several left-wing lawmakers. Before leaving India, President Emmanuel Macron urged the “extremist parties” to “clean house,” specifying “the far left in this case,” but also “the far right, which sometimes has activists in its ranks who justify violence.”
If it is not banned, the march on Saturday could provide an opportunity for the ultra-right to rally around a common cause: the figure of Deranque, whom these radical activists have elevated to the status of political martyr. “It’s not surprising that everyone is heading in the same direction: We are dealing with a murder,” said Edouard Bina, leader of the far-right student union La Cocarde Etudiante. “The entire population is waiting for justice, for the political leaders who allowed this to happen to be punished.”
Fragmented movement
Stanislas Tyl, spokesperson for Les Natifs, a small identitarian group that co-organized the Paris tribute to Deranque with La Cocarde Etudiante on February 15, agreed: “The mindset is one of a sacred union. There is a desire to set aside potential infighting between the various activist groups and political parties. Now is not the time to be divided, but to demand accountability.”
The radical far-right sphere has a distinctive feature. Although it is fragmented geographically, its ideological boundaries tend to blur. The turning point came about 10 years ago, at the time of the death of Clément Méric, an antifascist activist who was killed during a fight with far-right skinheads. Several organizations in this milieu were then dissolved: first, in 2013, L’Œuvre Française, a longstanding nationalist and activist party, as well as the Jeunesses Nationalistes Révolutionnaires, which brought together skinheads led by far-right activist Serge Ayoub. In 2019, Bastion Social, a revolutionary nationalist movement, was dissolved, followed by Génération Identitaire, L’Alvarium in Angers and the Zouaves Paris in 2021. Lyon Populaire, a neo-fascist group, was dissolved in 2025 on the same day as the Jeune Garde.
“The movement is characterized by a strong syncretism, which has been accelerated by the fragmentation of small groups at the municipal level following the dissolution of numerous organizations,” explained Nicolas Lebourg, a historian specializing in the far right. “Territorial competition has disappeared. Each group now dominates its own city, and ties between factions have developed with great fluidity.” However, Lebourg continued, one theme has united this ecosystem more than ever: “The ethnic dimension, a common fight against the so-called ‘great replacement.’”
Ideological fluidity
Deranque’s trajectory is emblematic of this ideological fluidity. At various times, he was close to the Catholic identitarians of Academia Christiana, who advocate for remigration; the Maurrassians of Action Française; and the neo-fascists of Allobroges Bourgoin. He was also an ally of the identitarians and femonationalists of Némésis. “Quentin represents who we are: a new political generation that is more ideologically diverse,” said Raphaël Ayma, leader of Tenesoun, a group based in Provence that is a hybrid of all radical far-right influences.
Many radicals believe that the activist’s death could only strengthen the unity of a movement that, according to Lebourg, “has always valued aesthetics and ritual more than doctrine.” A similar convergence occurred in 1994, after the accidental death of Sébastien Deyzieu. This activist from L’Œuvre Française fell from a rooftop during a chase with law enforcement at a banned protest. Born out of that incident, the Comité du 9 Mai (“May 9 Committee”) – which still exists today – brought together radicals and the Front National (the predecessor of the Rassemblement National, RN).
While several RN lawmakers attended the Paris tribute to Deranque on February 15, the far-right party has ordered its elected officials not to participate in the march on Saturday, in Lyon or elsewhere in France. In a message sent on the evening of February 19, party President Jordan Bardella specifically warned against “certain organizers, who are undeniably linked to the ultra-right and whom we refuse to associate with, in accordance with our party line.”
However, a few dissenting voices have emerged. One of them is Alexandre Dupalais, the far-right Union des Droites Républicaines (UDR) candidate for mayor of Lyon, backed by the RN, who announced he would attend the demonstration. Another is RN MP Robert Le Bourgeois, who was present on February 19 along with other party representatives at the gathering in Rouen organized by Les Normaux, a local identitarian group.
“There is an awareness that, unlike after the death of Sébastien Deyzieu, support is more subdued today,” lamented Jean-Eudes Gannat, former leader of L’Alvarium, who is now a candidate in the municipal election in western Segré-en-Anjou-Bleu. Bardella’s statements calling for the dissolution of far-right and far-left groups have considerably irritated this small circle. “It is a strategic mistake. Half the country demonizes the left and antifa groups. We should take advantage of this to go after the ultra-left and support the image cleansing of the ultra-right,” said Ayma.
Focused on its strategy of becoming part of the mainstream, the Rassemblement National has no interest in being seen alongside the most radical elements of the far right, from which the party has struggled to distance itself. One only has to look at the political profiles of the two official organizers of Saturday’s march to gauge the risk. Contrary to what had been said, they are not only linked by their attendance at the traditional Saint-Georges church in the Vieux Lyon district, where Mass is held in Latin.
‘Put pressure on the RN’
Domitille Casarotto, spokesperson for the event, and Aliette Espieux, organizer and liaison with the authorities, have been involved in radical movements for several years. On November 4, 2024, Casarotto – in her role as treasurer of the Gardiens de la Mémoire Française (“Guardians of French Memory”) association – led an anti-immigration march in Paris’s 5th arrondissement. Carrying a banner reading “Martyrs of immigration: neither forget nor forgive,” she headed a group of 200 activists, including members of identitarian, neo-fascist and Pétainist (supporters of Vichy French leader Philippe Pétain) groups. The march ended near the Panthéon, with racist rallying cries (“French people, defend yourself, this is your home”) and several fascist salutes.
“That’s not relevant,” insisted Casarotto. “That was a political protest. Saturday’s event will be for the general public and family-oriented.” No political leaders? “Elected officials from the Rassemblement National and Identité Libertés [a group led by Marion Maréchal, niece of RN leader Marine Le Pen] have hinted they might attend, unless politics takes precedence over honor,” lamented the spokesperson, a geopolitics student and senior member of Academia Christiana. She and Deranque attended several events organized by this group after meeting at the parish in southeastern Vienne.
Espieux did not know Deranque personally. However, the 26-year-old has a thorough understanding of the radical ecosystem. A leading figure among traditionalists opposing abortion – the first pinned post on her X account accuses politician Simone Veil, who championed the legal right to the procedure, of “the greatest massacre in the history of France” – she has spoken on several occasions at Academia Christiana. She is currently a communications intern at the Hozana prayer association, funded by far-right billionaire Pierre-Edouard Stérin.
While Casarotto did not confirm the involvement of revolutionary nationalists in the organization, she pointed out that her “friend” Espieux is married to Eliot Bertin (under investigation since February 2024 for criminal conspiracy after several radical activists attacked an association’s premises in the Vieux Lyon neighborhood), the former leader of Lyon Populaire. This closeness to revolutionary nationalists has raised concerns among some figures within the movement, who are wary of appearing at a gathering that is “too ghetto,” in the words of one insider. Another factor heightened their concerns: La Cocarde Etudiante was excluded from organizing the march because it was considered too moderate and institutional.
One thing is certain: The possible reorganization of a less fragmented radical sphere sounds like an opportunity to be seized by the most politically minded. The idea is to act as a driving force in order to create a fully fledged political faction – if they are powerful enough to make an impact. “We’re tired of having intermediaries represent us. Political outsiders have the ability to put pressure on the Rassemblement National and force it to take up certain issues and topics,” said Ayma. “The Rassemblement National coming to power is inevitable, and we want to strategically guide the party.” An influence at odds with the RN’s “normalization” strategy.
Corentin Lesueur and Abel Mestre