The latest news from our planet is threatening: climate change, pollution, forest loss, species extinctions. All these words are frightening and there is no sign of improvement. Simple logic leads to the conclusion that humanity has to react, for its own survival. But at the scale of a human being, it is less obvious. Organizing one’s daily life in order to preserve the environment implies self-questioning, changing habits, sacrificing some comfort. In one word, it is an effort. Then, what justifies (...) such an effort? The personal choice to act in order to preserve our environment is often made by simple altruism. This choice is based on our love for other human beings: our love for the others grounds our effort. Our moral values, our ethical reflections and our religious beliefs are the deep core of these choices. “This is my commandment, that you love one another as I have loved you.” (John 15.12 NRSV). This Charter shows the moral and religious values that can help us react regarding the current environmental crisis and it should empower us to transcend the ideas of effort and sacrifice in order to consider the respect of the shared house, in a prophetic fulfillment of the being. (shrink)

In this paper, I offer an analysis of protests in terms of speech acts. I consider two slogans featured in protest signs carried in feminist rallies that occurred on the 8th March in Lisbon (2020) as a case in point to examine what protests communicate. I survey different approaches to speech act theory to identify which acts constitute protests. I argue that these approaches have overlooked the collective dimension of protests. In the latter part of the (...) paper, I propose that protests are group speech acts constituted by expressions of disapproval and connected prescriptions for change. I argue that protests are speech acts that protesters perform on behalf of social movements to communicate their demands in the public sphere. (shrink)

In the United States, Protestant Christian identity is the dominant religious identity. Protestant Christian identity confers status privileges, yet also creates objectionable status inequalities. Historical and contemporary evidence includes the unfair treatment of Mormons, Native Americans, Muslims, and other religious minorities. Protestant Christian supremacy also plays a significant role in bolstering anti LGBTQ prejudice, xenophobia, and white supremacy. Ways that Protestant Christian identity correlates with objectionable status inequalities are often neglected in contemporary political philosophy. This paper aims to make a (...) modest contribution towards filling that gap. Some forms of inequality linked to Protestant Christian supremacy can be characterized as domination and oppression. Other instances include barriers to fair equality of opportunity for self-determination. Adapting ideas from egalitarian political philosophy I propose an analysis of objectionable status inequality rooted in Protestant Christian supremacy. Alan Patten’s defense of an egalitarian principle for assessing the effects of law and policy is helpful for this task. (shrink)

In this paper, I examine the ethics of nonviolent protest when a violent response is either foreseen or intended. One central concern is whether protesters, who foresee a violent response but persist, are provoking the violence and whether they are culpable for any eventual harms. A second concern is whether it is permissible to publicize the violent response for political advantage. I begin by distinguishing between two senses of the term provoke: a normative sense where a provocateur knowingly imposes an (...) unjustified risk of a violent response, and a descriptive sense where the respondent feels provoked. I argue that, when the risk of a violent response is justified, the protesters are not provocateurs but akin to nonculpable, entrapping agents who create an opportunity for the regime to respond with disproportionate violence. The regime’s response can disclose its brutality or criminality and this can be fairly publicized for political advantage. When nonviolent protesters create an unjustified risk of violence either because the injustice they oppose is insufficient to justify the risk of a violent response or because the risked harms are disproportionate with the likely political advantages derived from the protest, they are partially culpable provocateurs. However, I argue these partially culpable provocateurs can still permissibly publicize the disproportionate violence of the regime so as to shape public opinion. (shrink)

This paper attempts to explain what a protest is by using the resources of speech-act theory. First, we distinguish the object, redress, and means of a protest. This provided a way to think of atomic acts of protest as having dual communicative aspects, viz., a negative evaluation of the object and a connected prescription of redress. Second, we use Austin’s notion of a felicity condition to further characterize the dual communicative aspects of protest. This allows us to distinguish protest from (...) some other speech acts which also involve a negative evaluation of some object and a connected prescription of redress. Finally, we turn to Kukla and Lance’s idea of a normative functionalist analysis of speech acts to advance the view that protests are a complex speech act constituted by dual input normative statuses and dual output normative statuses. (shrink)

One of the most debated topics concerning the reform of the Romanian judiciary has been the perceived need to remove some of the benefits associated with the special retirement regime available to judges, prosecutors, and administrative personnel assimilated to magistrates. Such benefits have become a symbol of entrenched privileges of the elite, while defended by the magistrates as a necessary guarantee of their institutional independence. This article examines the political conflict surrounding the 2025 Romanian judicial pension reform, focusing on the (...) apparent inability of the judiciary to mobilize in protest and to act as a veto player, despite its immense bargaining power. Drawing on documentary analysis of legislative proceedings, judicial council decisions and public statements, the article argues that the magistrates’ willingness to compromise reflects the attachment of the judicial elite to a dysfunctional and unsustainable bargain with the political decision-makers: excessive workloads and organizational inertia traded for relatively high levels of remuneration and special pension entitlements. (shrink)

The technological revolution and appropriation of internet tools began to reshape the material basis of society and the urban space in collaborative, grassroots, leaderless, and participatory actions. The protest squares’ representation on Television screens and mainstream media has been broad. Various health, governmental, societal, and urban challenges have marked the advent of the Covid-19 virus. Inequalities have become more salient as poor people and minorities are more affected by the virus. Social distancing makes the typical forms of protest impossible to (...) carry out. Under social distancing, some state-led policies took advantage of social media to focus on the Covid-19 pandemic to silence social and political activities, censor criticism, and control the press. However, during the pandemic era, the movements for social justice have been particularly active, focusing on defending workers’ rights, mutual aid and solidarity, monitoring policymakers, and popular education. These progressive movements combined concrete practices and experiences to confront the reactionary, capitalist, and governmental actors that sought to shape and envision the world. Through different case studies of protest movements during the pandemic in Europe, the UK, and Asia, this paper argues that at the time of rising racial, social, and economic inequalities, the social activities adapted to the circumstances determined by the social distancing and the impossibility of people gathering in physical spaces. Subsequently, the people in different countries had various individual and collective responses to the support of health workers, systemic inequalities, loss of jobs, and other societal and financial challenges imposed by the governments. It means that, rather than disappearing, the social movements have adapted to the unexpected situations during the pandemic outbreak. The pandemic broke the new digital global wave of protests in this sense. (shrink)

The deliberative systems approach is a recent innovation within the tradition of deliberative democratic theory. It signals an important shift in focus from the political legitimacy produced within isolated and formal sites of deliberation (e.g., Parliament or deliberative mini-publics), to the legitimacy produced by a number of diverse interconnected sites. In this respect, the deliberative systems (DS) approach is better equipped to identify and address defects arising from the systemic influences of power and coercion. In this article, I examine one (...) of the least explored and least understood defects: the exclusion of non-speaking political actors generated by the uniform privileging of speech in all sites within a system. Using the examples of prefigurative protest, Indigenous refusal to deliberate, and the non-deliberative agency of disabled citizens, I argue that the DS approach allows theorists to better understand forms of domination related to the imposition of speech on those who are either unwilling or unable to speak. (shrink)

This paper examines the early modern history of Eulerian diagrams and argues that their development was shaped by confessional contexts. While logic is often viewed as a neutral and purely rational discipline, we show that logic diagrams in the 16th and 17th centuries were embedded in broader religious, philosophical, and institutional traditions. After clarifying the concept of logic diagrams and the specific characteristics of Eulerian representations, we identify methodological challenges in reconstructing their history and outline several external factors that influenced (...) their use. Using two case studies—Nicolaus Reimers Ursus in the 16th century and Erhard Weigel in the 17th century—we demonstrate that Eulerian diagrams were predominantly cultivated in Protestant circles, in contrast to Byzantine and Roman Catholic diagrammatic traditions such as crescent diagrams, the square of opposition, and phoebifer axis diagrams. These competing traditions differed not only in form but also in their underlying representations of proof, particularly regarding direct versus indirect methods. The paper argues that confessional affiliation, together with philosophical convictions such as empiricism and rationalism, contributed to the selection and evaluation of diagrammatic techniques. By situating early modern logic within its cultural context, the study highlights the role of external factors in shaping representational practices in logic. (shrink)

[First paragraph]: On Wednesday, June 8, 2011, UK’s The Guardian reported that numerous US universities including Harvard and Vanderbilt were invested in companies that were buying large tracts of African farmland and kicking off the indigenous farmers in order for their employees (mostly non-Africans) to grow cash crops to sell to Europe.1 Harms associated with this land-grabbing include, in addition to the evictions themselves, corruption among African governments and among absentee African land owners, increased food prices, and accelerated climate change.

Peter Harrison explains the disappearance of symbolic meanings of animals from seventeenth-century works in natural history through what he calls the “literalist mentality of the reformers.” By contrast, the present article argues in favor of a different understanding of the connection between hermeneutics and Protestant natural history. Martin Luther, Philipp Melanchthon, Johannes Brenz, Johannes Oecolampadius, and Jean Calvin continued to assign moral meanings to natural particulars, and moral interpretations can still be found in the writings of Protestant naturalists such as (...) Conrad Gesner, Caspar Heldelinus, Jeremias Wilde, Thomas Penny, and Thomas Moffett. If there are differences between Protestant and Catholic interpretations of animals, then these differences derive from the reformer’s greater insistence on providing textual support for assigning symbolic meanings, their resulting greater reluctance in assigning prophetic meanings to animals, and their elimination of spiritual interpretations of animals that are in tension with central tenets of Protestant theology. These differences in hermeneutics and theology may explain some of the divergences between the symbolic interpretations of animals proposed by Protestant natural historians and their Catholic colleague, Ulisse Aldrovandi. (shrink)

In his 2000 paper, “Determinables are Universals”, Ingvar Johansson defends a version of immanent realism according to which universals are either lowest determinates, or highest determinables – either maximally specific and exact features (like Red27 or Perfectly Circular) or maximally general respects of similarity (like Colored or Voluminous). On Johansson 2000’s view, there are no intermediate-level determinable universals between the highest and the lowest. Let me call this the Protestant Theory of Determinable Universals, because according to it the humble lowest (...) determinates commune directly with the most high determinables. My question here shall be whether the Protestant theory is not too austere, and whether a more Catholic approach, with a richer hierarchy, is called for. I will be arguing that it may be: between Red27 and Colored, we may need Cardinal Red to intervene. I will here develop several challenges to the Protestant view. Each challenge presents a task that determinable universals should perform if we are going to invoke them at all, but that turns out to be something they can only do if we countenance more of them than the austere Protestant allows. In section one I will consider the task of analyzing resemblance relations, in section two I will consider some tasks to do with causation and the laws of nature, and in section three I will consider the task of making sense of the possibility of continuous change in gunky objects. (shrink)

While suicide is typically associated with personal despair, people do sometimes kill themselves in the hope or expectation that their death will advance a political cause by way of its impact on the conscience of others, or in extreme cases simply as an expression of protest against a status quo felt to be unjust. Paradigm cases of such protest suicide may be public acts of self-immolation. This chapter distinguishes between instrumental and expressive protest suicide, examines the possible motivations behind them, (...) their possible moral justification, and their potential contribution to the meaning of the suicide’s life. It argues that when the value of the aim pursued by way of instrumental suicide is proportionate, killing oneself promotes it sufficiently, and other morally acceptable options are exhausted, instrumental protest suicide can be morally permissible and consistent with human dignity. It can even be an admirable act of self-sacrifice, provided that the agent’s motivations are suitable. Some of the standard moral objections to suicide don’t apply to such cases. But protest suicide remains morally risky, because one might be mistaken about the worth of one’s cause or the availability of alternatives, and because even these extreme acts typically have limited effect. (shrink)

Recent literature on social movements assigns a central role to the imagination. One way for activists to further their aims is through dramatic, confrontational acts of protest. I argue that transcendent imagining is key to understanding what protest does qua act of speech. A common approach to protest sees it as a speech act of condemning some feature of the socio-political world and appealing for change. While this is a helpful general template for what vocal dissent is, it is insufficient (...) to explain what gives protests their political power. Specifically, it overlooks the fact that effective protests usually create a theatrical spectacle of norm breaking. Displays of defiance lift a constraint on how we imagine our socio-political world, and so allow us to begin reshaping it. (shrink)

Why do some democracies endure persistent and highly salient corruption without systemic rupture, while others experience rapid protest escalation and government collapse? This paper addresses that puzzle through a comparative analysis of the United States and Bulgaria. Conventional explanations—institutional design, political culture, polarisation, and legal accountability—account for differences in protest opportunity structures and removal mechanisms but do not explain a deeper asymmetry: why contradiction between democratic norms and elite behaviour stabilises into endurance in some contexts yet escalates into rupture in (...) others. Drawing on comparative politics, protest theory, and political psychology, the paper reframes this problem as epistemic. It reconceptualises cognitive dissonance not merely as intrapsychic discomfort but as a socially distributed phenomenon embedded in collective epistemic environments. The paper introduces the concept of epistemic architecture to explain how media systems, partisan identities, civic networks, and institutional timelines structure the distribution, deferral, and resolution of ethical contradiction. Re-analysing the U.S. and Bulgarian cases through this lens shows that democratic stability and protest efficacy depend not only on institutional incentives or grievance intensity, but on a system’s capacity for contradiction metabolism—the ability to absorb, normalise, or concentrate ethical tension. Where epistemic architectures disperse contradiction, democratic endurance can persist even amid fiduciary strain; where such architectures fail, contradiction rapidly consolidates into mobilisation and political rupture. (shrink)

When bringing philosophical attention to bear on social movement slogans in general, philosophers have often focused on their communicative nature—particularly the hermeneutical failures that arise in discourse. Some of the most popular of these failures are illustrated in ‘all lives matter’ retorts to ‘black lives matter’ pronouncements. Although highlighting and criticizing these failures provides much needed insight into social movement slogans as a communicative practice, I claim that in doing so, philosophers and slogans’ users risk placing too much importance on (...) outgroup understandings. This emphasis is misguided because gaining such uptake is not required of particular slogans to perform their functions; indeed it is an inherent risk of them. I show how such an emphasis can also be distracting to users. Since social movement slogans that express values are first and foremost for users, I argue for a shift in focus in what these slogans (such as ‘Black Is Beautiful’ and the more recent ‘Black Lives Matter’) do for users, as well as what they demand from users and enable them to express. When slogans have done these things, regardless of uptake, we can say they have performed one of their key functions. (shrink)

This chapter examines what protest is from the point of view of pragmatics, and how it relates to propaganda—specifically what Jason Stanley calls ‘positive propaganda.’ It analyzes the phrase “Black Lives Matter,” taking it to be a political speech act that offers a unique route to understanding of the pragmatics of protest. From this, it considers the moral-epistemological function of protest, and develops an account of the authority that protest, as a speech act, both calls upon and makes explicit. It (...) then argues that, rather than simply its effects, it is protest’s distinct pragmatic features—that is, its entitlement conditions, and the uptake it aim at—that best capture its important moral, political, and epistemic elements. It therefore rejects the idea that protests are paradigmatic examples of ‘positive propaganda,’ because the propaganda model cannot capture protests’ function of foregrounding the socially located moral authority of the protestor. (shrink)

Many academics today struggle with their role in the climate and ecological crisis. Increasing numbers take to the streets to demand stronger climate measures, not just as citizens, but as scientists and scholars. How should we conceptualize and evaluate such actions? I examine the responsibilities of academics in the context of the climate and ecological crisis. I offer a defense of academic climate activism that is grounded in membership of the academic community and its special position in the climate crisis, (...) not in the specific expertise of individual scholars. We have a responsibility, as members of the academic community, to listen to our colleagues’ warnings, let their message sink in, reflect on it, and let it move us to action. Such action can take many forms, including collective action. In a context where such warnings are actively thwarted, participating in protest as an academic is not necessarily undemocratic, nor at odds with professional integrity. (shrink)

This argument demonstrates that suppressing protests undermines societal progress, destabilizes governance, and erodes public trust. It emphasizes protests as intrinsic expressions of human dignity and societal evolution, supported by historical evidence and ethical reasoning. The argument offers practical solutions for governments to engage constructively with dissent, fostering justice, harmony, and progress.

It is an orthodoxy of modern political thought that violence is morally incompatible with politics, with the important exception of the permissible violence carried out by the state. The “commonsense argument” for permissible political violence denies this by extending the principles of defensive ethics to the context of state-subject interaction. This article has two aims: First, I critically investigate the commonsense argument and its limits. I argue that the scope of permissions it licenses is significantly more limited than its proponents (...) allow. Second, I develop an alternative (and supplementary) framework for thinking about permissible political violence. I argue that under certain circumstances, subjects may violently protest their treatment, where protest is understood as an expression of rejection of those circumstances. On my view, protest, including violent protest, is permissible when it is the fitting response to those circumstances. This alternative framework accounts for an important class of cases of intuitively permissible political violence, including cases in which such violence does not serve strategic political ends or is even counterproductive towards those ends. (shrink)

In the accepted view, the basic disposition of believers is one of absolute obedience, humility, and lack of critique, doubt, or, indeed, defiance of God. Only through such a disposition do believers convey their absolute faith and establish the appropriate hierarchy between God and humans. This article challenges this view and argues that, in mainstream rabbinic tradition, the believer is not required to renounce his or her moral autonomy and certainly not his or her understanding of God and the world. (...) Indeed, faith rests on such understanding; moreover, human autonomy is the mechanism through which humans convey God’s goodness and perfection. Their questions and criticism are part of a persistent effort to close the evident gap between their assumptions about God’s goodness and the flawed imperfect reality. The analysis focuses on rabbinic tradition but its implications go beyond it, presenting a model of a life of faith that compels subjects, as believers, to preserve their constitutive foundations as rational autonomous creatures. (shrink)

Early modern Protestant scholars closely engaged with Islamic thought in more ways than is usually recognized. Among Protestants, Lutheran scholars distinguished themselves as the most invested in the study of Islam and Muslim culture. Mehmet Karabela brings the neglected voices of post-Reformation theologians, primarily German Lutherans, into focus and reveals their rigorous engagement with Islamic thought. Inspired by a global history approach to religious thought, Islamic Thought Through Protestant Eyes offers new sources to broaden the conventional interpretation of the Reformation (...) beyond a solely European Christian phenomenon. -/- Based on previously unstudied dissertations, disputations, and academic works written in Latin in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, Karabela analyzes three themes: Islam as theology and religion; Islamic philosophy and liberal arts; and Muslim sects (Sunni and Shi‘a). This book provides analyses and translations of the Latin texts as well as brief biographies of the authors. -/- These texts offer insight into the Protestant perception of Islamic thought for scholars of religious studies and Islamic studies as well as for general readers. Examining the influence of Islamic thought on the construction of the Protestant identity after the Reformation helps us to understand the role of Islam in the evolution of Christianity. (shrink)

Sport, Ethics and Philosophy, Volume 6, Issue 1, Page 90-94, February 2012.

This working paper argues that the failure of Hong Kong’s 2019–20 mobilisation was epistemic before it was political. While millions sympathised with the movement, only a minority sustained dissent. The paradox is explained by integrating Epistemic Clientelism Theory with a reconceptualisation of cognitive dissonance as an epistemic event. Protest participation depended not simply on material costs or tactical choices, but on whether individuals could endure contradiction without collapsing into conformity, silence, or exit. The analysis shows how fiduciary–epistemic scaffolds — universities, (...) professional bodies, and media — failed or inverted, leaving citizens structurally and psychologically isolated. Without institutional buffers, the burdens of contradiction and fear were redistributed downward: youth and precarious actors disproportionately endured trauma and long-term mental health risks, while professionals rationalised withdrawal or exit. Situating Hong Kong in a comparative frame — Belarus, Iran, Taiwan, South Korea, and even established democracies — reveals the same dynamics of scaffold collapse or resilience. The normative conclusion is that freedom is not independence but bounded freedom: fragile autonomy sustained only when fiduciary–epistemic scaffolds dignify dependence, enabling plurality to survive both material repression and psychological fear. (shrink)

In this paper I argue that protest images have a certain aesthetics and a degree of transformative power. Crucial to this aesthetics is the images’ narrative struc- ture, like the representation of goal-directed actions. On this basis, I show that there are more aspects that contribute to the storytelling capacity, like narrative characteristics and an aesthetics of dramatization. Using the example of climate change protests as a case study, I establish that these aspects can contribute to the transformative ability (...) of protest images, if used effectively. (shrink)

Sit-ins, blockades, and lock-ons are common protest tactics. They work partly because continuing the operation or attempting quickly to remove activists risks injuring or killing them. Injuring or killing the activists is morally wrong, so the targets of the protest must (temporarily) yield to the activists. This appears to be a case of moral blackmail: The blackmailer makes it so that the blackmailed must either do what the blackmailer wants or do something morally wrong. Here, protestors appear to exploit the (...) targets’ tendency to be moral. Can such tactics be justified? I contend that they can insofar as such activists merely add further reason to what their targets already have decisive reason to do. The problem of moral blackmail, however, complicates the morality of primarily communicative civil disobedience. (shrink)

I review José Medina's The Epistemology of Protest: Silencing, Epistemic Activism, and the Communicative Life of Resistance, and raise some questions about the felicity, legitimacy and civility of protest.

The fear of the other is the main focus of this paper, which analyse Tehran protest squares as inside-out spaces where the state attempts to maintain some form of control, and where the public attempts to occupy it. The fear of ‘others’ can lead to exclusion from the public space of those who are seen as threatening. This process of ‘otherness’ renders fear as an arena of conflict and highlights the political utility of fear by particular groups and individuals.

As the climate crisis intensifies, global climate protests have surged, met by a corresponding rise in criminal prosecutions of activists. This paper explores the shifting judicial landscape where courts struggle to reconcile traditional criminal law with the unprecedented nature of environmental emergency and the protected right to freedom of expression. Despite growing recognition of these rights by international bodies—including the UN and regional human rights courts—national jurisdictions exhibit significant inconsistencies in their legal reasoning. -/- To address the scarcity of (...) comparative literature on this phenomenon, this study conducts a multi-jurisdictional analysis of recent criminal jurisprudence (2018–2024) across France, South Korea, Switzerland, the United Kingdom, and the United States. The research specifically examines how courts in these five states balance the limitations of freedom of expression and assembly against the application of the necessity defense. By analyzing cases ranging from infrastructure blockades to symbolic property damage, the study identifies how statutory provisions, judicial perceptions of climate urgency, and the "efficacy" of protest actions shape the boundaries of legality. The findings reveal a fragmented global picture where the degree of disruption and the public/private nature of the target remain decisive, yet inconsistent, factors in determining the criminal liability of climate activists. (shrink)

Between medieval sapienza and the duty of silence...because it can be harmfull for other, takes care to transmit and inform in a cultural way.

Are the negative reactions to the so-called “national anthem protests” a case of epistemic injustice? If so, in what way are they an epistemic injustice and in what way can we remedy the problem? In this paper, I argue that there are actually two different epistemic injustices occurring simultaneously with regard to these protests. The first is a case of testimonial injustice in which Black people are not being granted appropriate credibility in their insistence that they are being (...) oppressed either via state sanctioned violence against their bodies (police brutality), further (non-physical) systemic injustices of the criminal justice system, economic inequality, et cetera. I draw heavily from Miranda Fricker’s work in describing this phenomenon as such, however, I will explain that although this injustice manifests in interpersonal exchanges—its solution must necessarily be a systemic one. Therefore, I diverge from Fricker’s assertion that testimonial justice (at least this particular kind) can be remedied by way of individual changes. The second epistemic injustice is a type of epistemic blindness in which a large swath of the white population fails to recognize (either through will or ignorance) that their symbols do not necessarily have the same meanings for differently positioned individuals—Black people in particular. In other words, what American symbols such as the flag or national anthem actually “mean” may be quite different for certain groups of nonwhites owing to the trajectory of American history which has obscured, denied, or reneged on the rights of nonwhites in varying degrees throughout history. The inability to access or to be sensitive to this reality contributes to, I take it that both of these problems are significant in understanding how to both analyze and address this problem. I will examine both phenomena as combined and concurrent and lay out steps which I believe to be valid and immediately practicable plans of action. (shrink)

In this short paper I hope to use some ideas drawn from the theory and practice of civil disobedience to address one of the most difficult questions in immigration theory, one rarely addressed by philosophers or other theorists working on the topic: How should we respond to people who violate immigration law? I will start with what I take to be the easiest case for my approach—that of so-called “Dreamers”—unauthorized immigrants in the US who were brought to this country while (...) still children (often as infants) and who have spent the majority of their lives in the US. Members of this group have engaged in wide-scale protests, making the civil disobedience paradigm all the more plausible. I will then move on to the case of unauthorized immigrants who have engaged in protests, but who do not fall into the “Dreamer” category. Finally, I will consider whether thinking about immigration law violations from the perspective of civil disobedience—and the proper response to that—can help us think about immigration enforcement more generally. (shrink)

Rage has become an increasingly prominent affective and political force in contemporary feminist movements. In postsocialist Poland—where feminist resistance has long been sidelined in both national politics and global feminist discourse—rage has emerged as a powerful collective expression that fuses dissent with care, solidarity, and political agency. This article examines how feminist rage has shaped women’s political subjectivity in Poland, particularly in response to the tightening of abortion laws and the broader erosion of democratic norms since 2016. Drawing on the (...) frameworks of “weak resistance” (Ewa Majewska 2019) and “uneventful feminism” (Maria Mayerchyk and Olga Plakhotnik 2021), I analyze rage not only as a form of resistance but also as a creative and transformative affect. The theoretical discussion explores how rage reclaims traditionally feminine traits such as care and tenderness to produce new forms of feminist agency within “affective publics” (Zizi Papacharissi 2014). The article concludes with a case study of Polish women’s street and digital activism from 2016 to 2024, incorporating the author’s firsthand participation to offer a situated, reflexive perspective on the role of rage in contemporary postsocialist feminist struggle. (shrink)

Exploring online criticisms of the ‘take the knee’ protest during ‘Euro 2020’, this article examines how alt- and far-right conspiracies were both constructed and communicated via the social media platform, Twitter. By providing a novel exploration of alt-right conspiracies during an international football tournament, a qualitative thematic analysis of 1,388 original tweets relating to Euro 2020 was undertaken. The findings reveal how, in criticisms levelled at both ‘wokeism’ and the Black Lives Matter movement, antiwhite criticisms of the ‘take the knee’ (...) protest were embroiled in alt-right conspiracies that exposed an assumed Cultural Marxist, ‘woke agenda’ in the tournament’s organization and mainstream media coverage. In conclusion, it is argued that conspiratorial discourses, associated with the alt-right, provided a framework through which the protest could be understood. This emphasises how the significance of conspiracy functions to promote the wider dissemination of alt-right ideology across popular cultural contexts, such as sport. (shrink)

The interestingly named American economic journalist Robert J Samuelson died on December 13th of this year. He said that economists were a small group who write for each other, whereas he wrote accessibly on economic issues for the wider public. He sounds to me like a polite version of student protestors against economics. Here I propose that the rational actor model tradition of economics, which still dominates, blocks rational protest within universities themselves: it is to the advantage of academically gifted (...) young men and women, because of the demands of imagination that it makes upon you, if you want to conceive such a model. If you protest against the curriculum, then there is a question of what are you doing in a university? A university is surely for the academically gifted! (shrink)

This article explores the ideological foundations of contemporary Putinist Russia, identifying Eurasianism as a primary socio-philosophical and geopolitical doctrine driving the Kremlin's imperial ambitions. The author traces the evolution of Eurasianism from its origins in "White émigré" circles to its current role as a conceptual bedrock for Russian fascism. A comparative analysis is provided between Eurasianism and the "Russian World" (Russkiy Mir) doctrine, highlighting their distinct approaches to ethnocentrism and continental unity. A significant portion of the study is dedicated to (...) the "Eurasianization" of Protestant denominations within the Russian Federation, illustrating how these communities have been instrumentalized by the state and security services (FSB) to support the "special military operation" and reintegrate the post-Soviet space. Finally, the article addresses the implications for Ukrainian Protestantism, arguing that radical "de-Eurasianization" and a shift toward a distinct national-civic identity are essential for safeguarding Ukraine’s sovereignty and breaking free from Moscow’s political influence. (shrink)

Addressing questions drawn from ethnographic research, this article theorizes the temporalities of protest movements shaped around digital technology. After describing the 'historicity' of transitional protest movements, politics of 'potentiality' is analyzed in the context of new techniques of governance based on the circulation of everyday data through social media. The author argues that the growing governmental research on digital mediation of mass politicization indicates a shift from politics of 'preemptive' action to modulation of 'propensity'. The article then examines the state’s (...) continuous investment in making the population 'legible' through knowledge objects such as tables and networks in relation to historical time. This analysis situates the changing character of the temporal interventions of the state apparatus into the social body in general and 'networked' protest movements in particular. Drawing on media theory and ethnographic material, the author offers a critique of 'crisis-temporality' as it strengthens 'synchronicity' in networks, offering expanded legibility for governance contra grass root aims of decentralization and pluralization of temporality. The article ends by suggesting the substitution of present-oriented crisis temporality and synchronization with the 'musicality' of political theory and practice. (shrink)

I am broadly sympathetic to Dale Matthew’s analysis concerning phenotypic devaluation and disadvantage. However, in what follows, I restrict my remarks to a few areas where I think he either lacks empirical precision, or overstates his case.

Recently, given the fomenting protests following the murders of George Floyd, Breonna Taylor and Ahmaud Arbery (amongst countless others), much discussion has erupted amongst contemporary artist-activists about the proper place for art and the aestheticization of politics. This is, of course, by no means a novel conversation. Historically, the aestheticization of politics has been disparaged perhaps most vocally by those such as Adorno and Horkheimer, but this critique has its most well-known roots in Plato. Plato’s critique is levelled at (...) the theatre and poetry, particularly the habituation effects of its consumption; specifically, Plato saw that the tragedy embodied by those performers inhabiting the stage and the enraptured audiences who engaged at the level of emotions. Plato censured the putatively groundless feelings demonstrated by actors and their transposition, artificiality’s ripple effect. Consider, for example, the actor performing the role of Achilles who extravagantly expresses grief without truly undergoing it. Audience members inhere towards an unmerited emotional hunger-cum-satisfaction for those putatively irrational feelings of loss by way of weeping and wailing. For Plato, such identification is devoid of proper evaluative grounding and, therefore, is corruptive. Plato’s critique can be considered an evaluation of the kind of rational emotional arrest that occurs through artificial emotional uptake. However, one could counter Plato’s position by noting how, regardless of whether these emotions are performed or the actors “truly” feel them, they may serve a political purpose and greater ends—bridging the audience together with performer/artist, allowing an “as if” simulative scenario. (shrink)

This essay is to invite a new form of theorizing Baldwin’s intellectual archive beyond a work of protest or as being contributory to Queer writing. I argue that Baldwin’s thought often in the form of the polemic is a form of non-violent resistance. Baldwin’s contestation against whiteness and the methods of Black erasure in general and Black male annihilation in particular is why he is challenging the complexity of protest. In pushing against traditional or what has become traditional ways of (...) analyzing Black thought, my essay highlights why figures like Baldwin are read in fragmentation. Hence, my insistence on Baldwin being categorized as a Gender/Genre theorist more so than a Queer theorist. Because his writings are on the erasure of Black Male existence within and outside of heteronormative spaces. (shrink)

The art of persuasion is central to religious debates, where proponents seek to defend their doctrine and appeal to their audiences. Examining the specific rhetorical frameworks employed in these discussions reveals the common ground and strategies shared among different theological groups. This mixed-methods study aims to investigate the rhetoric of persuasion in religious debates between Catholic Faith Defenders and Protestant preachers, utilizing the strategies employed in Aristotle's rhetorical triangle. Moreover, quantitative research, specifically the chi-square test, is used to determine differences (...) between these two debate groups. The 21 analyzed corpora were gathered from Fr. Darwin Gitgano's YouTube channel, Punto por Punto, and other international pages featuring religious debates. The study also included 10 individuals who served as interview participants. The result revealed that the 21 video corpora comprise the different strategies under logos, pathos, and ethos. Moreover, the Chi-square test showed no significant difference in the use of rhetorical appeal between Catholic Faith Defenders and Protestant Preachers, indicating a shared rhetorical framework. Additionally, religious debates were found to enhance language learning by enriching vocabulary, improving discourse coherence, strengthening listening comprehension, and cultivating analytical and rhetorical skills through iterative, socially mediated exchanges. (shrink)

Tematem artykułu jest manifest jako gatunek dominujący w awangardzie historycznej (w tym wypadku w dadaizmie), jak i w neoawangardzie austriackiej (akcjonizm wiedeński). Ten ostatni, radykalny ruch sztuki austriackiej lat sześćdziesiątych, dotychczas postrzegany w kategoriach jego osiągnięć w zakresie sztuki performance i body art, analizowany jest przeze mnie w kategoriach literackich na przykładzie manifestu jako środka autoprezentacji, obecnego na skalę masową po raz pierwszy w awangardzie lat dwudziestych. Istotą poruszanego przeze mnie problemu jest kontynuacja tradycji samookreślenia się awangardy w formie manifestu, (...) jak również przemiany, jakie dokonały się w strukturze tekstów tego typu w okresie swoistego renesansu awangardy w latach sześćdziesiątych. Ograniczam się przy tym do zakreślenia jednego z głównych rysów manifestu - jego kontestacyjnej krytyki skierowanej zarówno przeciwko skostniałym formom sztuki, jak i przeciwko państwu i społeczeństwu, narzucającym sztuce granice i sposoby jej oddziaływania. Manifesty dadaistyczne stanowią tutaj tło dla analizy manifestów akcjonistycznych, które, według postawionej przeze mnie tezy, mogą być rozumiane jako radykalna modyfikacja tego gatunku w neoawangardzie, która w swej ostatecznej formie prowadzi do zaniechania manifestu jako przekazu literackiego i do odwołania się do demonstracji celów artystycznych w sposób pozawerbalny - poprzez akcjonizm. W analizie manifestów obu awangard podkreślam krytyczne podejście ich autorów do gatunku jako takiego, jak i do jego korzeni wywodzących się z dziedzin pozaartystycznych (polityka i wojskowość). (shrink)

Focusing on how recent protests centered on global economic and environmental injustices can contribute to furthering deliberative politics and realizing deliberative democracy, Francis Dupuis- D � ri examines the important and historical tension between force and persuasion. However, casting protest as legitimate in the framework of deliberative politics and as serving deliberative democracy obscures its own value in endeavors to achieve social, economic, and environmental justice. Being sympathetic to Dupuis- D � ri � s work, I wish to make (...) several, interrelated conceptual and practical clarifications in order to bring back to the fore the fundamental importance of protest, in terms of contributions not to deliberative politics and deliberative democracy but to public discourse. (shrink)

In this fascinating book, Mehmet Karabela reveals the many roles assigned to Islam, Islamic history, the Ottoman Empire, Turks and Arabs by northern European Protestant intellectuals, mostly German Lutherans, from 1650 to 1800. The texts cover many topics that famously captivated European thinkers during a period which Karabela elects to call post-Reformation rather than Enlightenment. There are comparative studies of religion, philosophy, and literature. Karabela’s introduction provides a robust review of the historiography and offers context for patterns that emerge from (...) the texts. (shrink)

John Herbinius (1633–1679) was a well-known Lutheran theologian and writer. Living for a long time on the territory of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, he wrote a description of the religious caves of Kyiv, which was published in 1675 in Jena. Plenty of popular cults of Ruthenian spiritual life of the first half of the seventeenth century are reflected in the book. It is important to underline that Herbinius did not criticize the glorification and imitation of saints. He briefly mentioned their post-mortem (...) waiting role in the place of salvation and omitted the Orthodox prayers to them. The great Orthodox mistake for Herbinius was glorifying human and not Christ’s merits as a cause of sanctity and miracle. This very important theological difference was, however, the only one distinction that Herbinius saw between the Orthodox and Protestant traditions of the veneration of saints. The veneration of relics was not criticized by John Herbinius either. On the contrary, relics of Christ’s followers can and must be worshiped, through them God performs miracles, the Protestant author believed. However, Herbinius did not share the Orthodox idea of miraculous unperishability of the saints’ remains in the Cave Monastery. Those remains, as he wrote, are particularly damaged and particularly preserved because of the existing ventilation system in the caves; the saints’ heads are oozing the oil as a result of absorbing of the special air as well. Trying to provide these arguments, Herbinius aimed to deny the core of the Orthodox belief that Kyiv relics preserved undamageed because of great merits and dignities possessed by the Cave fathers in the eyes of God. Obviously, the very idea of merits, earned by the monks due to their ascetic efforts, could have not been accepted by the Protestant author. It strongly contradicted with his confessional views and was unambiguously treated by him as idolatry. (shrink)